Republicans never held more than 58 of the 150 seats in New York State Assembly during Clarence D. “Rapp” Rappleyea’s 12 years as their minority leader. Yet Rappleyea, who died Sunday at age 82, was among the most consequential New York State legislative leaders of the 20th century.
Going against the Albany grain, Rappleyea was able to unite his embattled minority behind a consistent and coherent policy agenda opposed to the fiscal profligacy of Governor Mario Cuomo.
It was easy enough for Republicans to embrace fiscal conservatism during the Reagan boom of the mid to late 1980s, when Cuomo managed to cut income tax rates even while boosting spending by record amounts. The acid test of Rappleyea’s position came during the last of Cuomo’s three terms, when a recession turned state budget surpluses into yawning gaps almost overnight.
Parting company with members of the Senate Republican majority, who chose the more expedient path of cutting deals with the governor, Rappleyea persuaded his conference to vote as a bloc against all of the recurring tax and spending hikes enacted under Cuomo between 1991 and 1994. Rapp stuck to his guns even after Democrats gerrymandered the Assembly minority down to as few as 49 seats in 1993.
Rappleyea saw to it that his members didn’t just say no to Cuomo: in each round of budget voting, they spelled out alternative spending plans in floor amendments to budget bills. Those amendments were routinely deemed “non-germane” by the majority—although the Assembly speakers of the period (Mel Miller, Saul Weprin and Sheldon Silver, respectively) hedged their political bets by allowing marginal upstate and suburban Democrats to vote with the Republicans.
Rapp’s one-liners could summarize the problems with Cuomo’s budgets more thoroughly than a lengthy fiscal memo. “This isn’t a budget, it’s a buffet,” he said of one Cuomo spending plan. And when Cuomo refinanced infrastructure to cover operating costs, Rappleyea commented: “You don’t mortgage the house to paint it.”
While calling for more fiscal restraint, Rapp and his members boosted their credibility by refusing to pursue pork barrel “member items” throughout Cuomo’s last term. Alone among legislative leaders, Rappleyea also opposed Cuomo’s 1992 “Jobs for the New New York” bond act proposal—an $800 million boondoggle that, in the end, was soundly rejected by voters.**
Although Rapp’s professed goal was to elect a majority, he more realistically would have settled for moving the Republicans’ headcount up into the mid-60s. He didn’t come close to succeeding, but he did help lay the groundwork for the election of the first Republican governor in 20 years, George Pataki—an eight-year member of Rappleyea’s Assembly “farm team” who also served a single term in the Senate before defeating Cuomo in 1994.***
Pataki’s administration was staffed largely with other veterans of Rappleyea’s Assembly team, and its most successful policies (including a historic personal income tax cut) came out of Rappleyea’s playbook. Indeed, if there had been no Minority Leader Rappleyea, there would have been no Governor Pataki.
To those who worked for or with him on either side of the aisle, Rapp will be remembered as unfailingly kind and generous—and as a leader whose integrity was as solid and enveloping as his handshake. Serving in the shadow of a nationally renowned liberal orator in the governor’s office, Rapp was in many ways the anti-Mario: born and raised in the small Chenango County city of Norwich, a once-thriving manufacturing town where he witnessed firsthand the impact of the state’s hostile business climate on Upstate New York, he was a shy public speaker who was gregarious among his colleagues and constituents. Free of the neurotic egotism that seems to afflict so many politicians, he was secure in his own skin, didn’t hold grudges, and consistently nurtured and promoted talent.
On the front of his desk, Rapp had mounted a two-man tree saw with the slogan “Keep Sawing Wood.” It exemplified his patient, steadfast persistence in pursuit of goals—and his spirit of selfless teamwork.
It’s been more than 20 years since Rapp left the Assembly, and the Legislature is in some ways more dysfunctional than it was during his heyday. When a figure like Clarence D. Rappleyea, Jr., passes from the scene, the cliché is to observe that we will not see the likes of him again. For the sake of New York’s future, here’s hoping we somehow do.
* FULL DISCLOSURE: I had the great honor (and pleasure) of serving as Rappleyea’s director of the Assembly Minority Ways and Means staff from 1991 to 1994, but the Leader’s strategy and priorities were in place before I got there.
** The state now funds billions of dollars in similar projects without even bothering to seek voter approval.
*** When Rappleyea left office in 1995 1996, Republicans had 53 58 Assembly seats; they are down to 43 today.